Cuban Migration Through the Years
This timeline is updated monthly to help track this evolving situation. For reference, CEDA has also included a brief timeline of key events dating back to the 1966 Cuban Adjustment Act, though it is not intended as a comprehensive analysis of root causes or historical context. The overview does not discuss regular migration patterns and programs such as the visa lottery or the Cuban Family Reunification Parole (CFRP) Program, which allows eligible U.S. citizens and lawful permanent residents to apply for parole for their family members in Cuba.
THE NUMBERS
Last updated: 5/1/25
Cubans in the US with I-220A: 500,000+
Cubans in the US on CHNV Parole: 110,970
Number of deportations flights to Cuba: 1 per month in 2025
Number of Cubans deported: Cuban state media reported that 82 Cubans were deported to the island in April.
INTRODUCTION
Since 1959, Cuban migration is typically divided into four main stages: the post-Revolution exodus, which consisted of 248,000 Cubans who fled to the US between 1959–62; the Freedom Flights, which covered 260,600 Cubans who left on flights from Varadero to Miami between 1965–73; the Mariel boatlift, which consisted of 124,800 Cubans who departed by sea in 1980; and the Balsero Crisis of 1994, during which an estimated 30,900 to 35,000 Cubans attempted the journey on makeshift rafts. The present surge in migration, from 2022 to 2025, has been dubbed by Cuban journalist Rachel Pereda the “Walking Generation” given the 514,255 Cubans that have trekked from South and Central America to the U.S. Southwest border by foot between FY2022 and FY2024.
TIMELINE
April 14, 2025 | U.S. District Court Blocks the Termination of CHNV
After President Donald Trump ended the Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua, Venezuela (CHNV) parole program in January, it was challenged in the courts and on April 14, a federal court blocked the order. Judge Indira Talwani explained that the Administration’s attempt to terminate the program lacked sufficient legal justification since these individuals came into the country legally and their cases were not individually reviewed. As a result, CHNV parolees can remain in the US until their parole expires, pending further litigation.
March 2025 | Border Crossings Hit the Lowest Number in Years
In March of 2025, CBP recorded only 132 Cubans who crossed into the US via unauthorized routes. While irregular border crossings have temporarily declined under the Trump Administration, we know that this drop began before his return to office and offers no promise of lasting change.
February 2025 | Detention of Cubans with I220-A Paperwork; 500,000 Cubans in Legal Limbo
Cubans who entered the US after the end of the “wet foot, dry foot” policy were frequently issued I220-A forms. The I220-A is an Order of Release on Recognizance, a document issued by U.S. immigration authorities, typically at the border, to migrants who are released into the country without being placed in formal detention. It is not a visa, parole, or a legal immigration status, but rather a temporary release under supervision while the individual awaits further immigration proceedings, such as an asylum hearing. Approximately 500,000 Cubans in the US were released with I-220A forms, incident reports, bonds, orders of supervision, or were processed through the Office of Refugee Resettlement (in the case of unaccompanied minors) are at risk of deportation.
One Cuban with an I220-A form was deported to Havana on February 17 after showing up to a regular immigration appointment. Another 26 year-old Cuban woman who was residing in the US with an I220-A document was detained in Miramar, Florida.
January 20, 2025 | CHNV Ends
On January 20, the Trump Administration ended the CHNV program. In the same Executive Order, President Trump also terminated the Customs and Border Protection (CBP) One App, which allowed migrants to schedule appointments at the U.S.–Mexico Border.
January 6, 2023 | CHNV Begins
On January 6, 2023, the U.S. government initiated the CHNV parole program, allowing up to 30,000 individuals from these four countries to enter the US monthly under humanitarian parole. As of October 2024, over 110,240 Cubans had arrived under this initiative.
November 2021 | Nicaragua Lifted Visa Requirements for Cubans
In November 2021, Nicaragua unexpectedly lifted visa requirements for Cubans, allowing them to enter the country without a visa for the first time in decades. The change occurred after the US condemned the re-election of Nicaragua’s President Daniel Ortega—a Cuba ally. Many Cubans flew directly to Nicaragua and then traveled north through Central America and Mexico, hoping to request asylum at the U.S. border. By 2022, the number of Cubans arriving at the US-Mexico border skyrocketed, marking one of the most significant migration shifts since the end of the “wet foot, dry foot” policy.
January 12, 2017 | The End of “wet foot, dry foot” Policy
Just days before President Barack Obama left office, the U.S. government officially ended the “wet foot, dry foot” policy. The policy's termination was part of broader efforts to normalize relations between the US and Cuba and to discourage irregular migration. This left thousands of Cubans stranded in transit countries such as Mexico, Panama, and Costa Rica and forced many to seek alternative and more dangerous routes to the US such as traveling through the treacherous Darién Gap, using smugglers, or attempting perilous sea crossings on makeshift rafts.
2015 | Cubans Fear a Change in their Favorable Status in U.S. Immigration Policy
As relations between the US and Cuba improved under President Obama, there was growing concern that the CAA and the “wet foot, dry foot” policy would be rescinded to reduce Cuban migration to the US. This fear likely triggered a spike in migration, with More than 43,000 Cubans entering the US through a port of entry in FY2015, a 78 percent increase from FY2014. Many Cubans flew to Guyana, which did not require Cubans to acquire a visa, and then continued their journey north by land, often passing through countries unaccustomed to handling large numbers of migrants in transit. The influx of Cuban migrants created issues in several countries, including Costa Rica, where, in November 2015, thousands of Cubans were stranded for weeks after Nicaragua closed its border to prevent further Cuban migration.
1994 | Balsero Crisis
The Cuban Balsero Crisis saw 30,900 Cubans from various sectors of society attempt to reach the US on makeshift rafts, known as balsas, during a period of profound socioeconomic crisis following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union.. In response, the US and Cuba negotiated a series of migration accords, which led to the establishment of the “wet foot, dry foot” policy in 1995. This policy stipulated that Cuban nationals who reached U.S. soil (“dry foot”) would be allowed to remain, while those intercepted at sea (“wet foot”) would be repatriated. President Bill Clinton announced that any Cuban interdicted at sea would be sent to the U.S. Naval Base at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. Before this crisis, Cubans who reached U.S. shores were typically granted asylum.
1980 | Mariel Boatlift
The Mariel Boatlift was a mass emigration of Cubans who departed from the port of Mariel to the US between April and October 1980. Approximately 125,000 Cubans, known as Marielitos, came to the US seeking political freedom and economic opportunity. The boatlift was sparked by a political crisis in Havana that exposed deep dissatisfaction within Cuban society, particularly among working-class and Afro-Cuban communities.
Unlike earlier waves of Cuban exiles, Mariel migrants faced intense stigmatization, indefinite detention, and a hostile reception both from U.S. authorities and established Cuban American communities. As explained by scholars Michael J. Bustamante and Lillian Manzor, despite significant scholarly and cultural attention, many aspects of Mariel remain underexplored, including its lasting effects on Cuban identity, the cultural production of the so-called “Mariel generation,” and its role in reshaping U.S. immigration policy and interethnic relations in South Florida.
1965–73 | Freedom Flights
Established through U.S.-Cuban negotiations in 1965, the Freedom Flights operated between Varadero and Miami from December 1, 1965, to April 6, 1973. This was the largest and longest refugee resettlement effort in U.S. history. Funded by the U.S. government, the flights transported about 260,600 Cubans—mainly skilled, semiskilled, and blue-collar workers—at a rate of 3,000 to 4,000 people per month.
1966 | Cuban Adjustment Act
In response to the influx of Cuban refugees following the 1959 Cuban revolution, the U.S. Congress passed the Cuban Adjustment Act (CAA) in 1966. It was signed into law by President Lyndon B. Johnson. This legislation allowed Cuban citizens who had been physically present in the US for at least one year to apply for lawful permanent residency. The Act aimed to provide a legal pathway for the many Cubans fleeing the island.
Recommended Reading and Listening
“Cuba: An American History” by Ada Ferrer
“Finding Mañana" by Mirta Ojito
"Worm: A Cuban American Odyssey" by Edel Rodriguez
“The Closest of Enemies” by Wayne Smith
“Castro's Ploy–America's Dilemma: The 1980 Cuban Boatlift” by Alex Larzelere
“Mariel@40: An Introduction” by Michael J. Bustamante and Lillian Manzor
NPR Series: The Boatlift
A Note on Changing Demographics
Cuban migration to the US has undergone significant demographic shifts since its inception. The first major wave in the 1960s was primarily composed of upper and middle-class Cubans and is often referred to as the “golden exile,” as the migrants were primarily well-educated, and economically advantaged, and white, which enabled them to establish successful businesses in Miami and send remittances back to Cuba.
During the Freedom Flights, the migrant population remained overwhelmingly white, female, and older. However, later migration waves, particularly during the Mariel Boatlift, reflected a broader cross-section of Cuban society: Marielitos were poorer than earlier migrants, and between 15 and 40 percent were Afro-Cuban, compared to just 3 percent of those who had arrived between 1959 and 1973. As one former resident of Little Havana Miami observed, “We had invented a Cuba in which everyone was white. When the Marielitos came, we were forcibly reminded that Cuba is not a white island but largely a black one” (M.C. Garcia Havana USA. 68; Grenier and Moebius, History of Little Havana 69). Unlike earlier Cuban exile waves, Mariel migrants faced harsh discrimination both in the US (especially in Miami) and from earlier Cuban exile communities. They were detained en masse and labeled with ambiguous legal status, revealing the limitations of U.S. refugee policy and exposing tensions in race and immigration politics.
The most recent wave of Cuban migration has grown increasingly diverse in terms of race and class. One of the most notable shifts is the rising number of Black Cubans who are migrating, despite historically facing significant barriers to formal migration pathways such as family reunification.
These demographic changes also coincide with Cuba’s growing care crisis. As the population ages and Cubans migrate to the US, the island is facing a shortage of elderly caretakers which has been exacerbated by the expectation that women should take on the unpaid work. This care crisis has driven many women to migrate in search of economic opportunity, leaving the island with even less young people.